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Untouchability and the Politics of Conversion in Late Colonial India

Untouchability and the Politics of Conversion in Late Colonial India

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Untouchability and the Politics of Conversion in Late Colonial India
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<strong>Centre for Historical Studies School of Social Sciences</strong> a Lecture <strong>Untouchability and the Politics of Conversion in Late Colonial India</strong> <strong>ROHIT WANCHOO</strong> St. Stephen's College, University of Delhi <strong>12th August 2015</strong> The British introduced separate electorates for the Depressed Classes in India in order to weaken the Congress and the Indian national movement. This strategy of divide and rule produced a strong response. It compelled the caste Hindus to go much further than opposition to caste discrimination and untouchability and support for Harijan uplift and temple entry. The Gandhi-Ambedkar agreement in September 1932 enabled the politically weak and geographically dispersed Depressed Classes to secure a deal which was accepted by the 'savarnas' who had to make the necessary adjustments. It left Ambedkar unhappy, but there were murmurs of protest from the caste Hindus as well. After independence while separate electorates based on religion were repudiated reservations for the Depressed Classes were made a part of the Indian constitution. In 1935 Ambedkar declared that although he was born a Hindu he would not die as one. This paper deals with the multiple responses to his pronouncement and his search for a suitable religion for his community. The Moonje-Ambedkar proposals of June 1936 represent an important development in Ambedkar's efforts to strengthen the position of the depressed classes. Responses of Mahatma Gandhi, Madan Mohan Malaviya and Rabindranath Tagore to these proposals will be discussed. Conversions are a complex phenomenon and the untouchables were not a single homogenous group. In assessing the prospects of Dalit conversions regional, caste and cultural variations have to be kept in mind. In recent writings while the claim of Gandhi to represent all Indians has been frequently questioned there has been a less critical assessment of Ambedkar. Both leaders had complex– but different- ideas about religion and social transformation. These ideas will be discussed in the context of recent scholarship about the social and religious history of the dalits in different parts of the country. It is arguable that the history of Dalit communities and castes is more complex than either Gandhi or Ambedkar had imagined or were aware of. Nevertheless, their ideas of emancipation have had a huge impact on Indian society and politics. Rohit Wanchoo did an MA from CHS in 1977, and then a Ph.D. from Cambridge, dealing with the economic and political context of Indian independence. He has taught at St Stephen's College, Delhi University, since 1985, where he is currently the head of the history department. He has co-authored Representing India: Literatures, Politics and Identities, OUP, Delhi, 2008.

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Initially, established as a Centre for Chinese and Japanese Studies, it subsequently grew to include Korean Studies as well. At present there are eight faculty members in the Centre. Several distinguished faculty who have now retired include the late Prof. Gargi Dutt, Prof. P.A.N. Murthy, Prof. G.P. Deshpande, Dr. Nranarayan Das, Prof. R.R. Krishnan and Prof. K.V. Kesavan. Besides, Dr. Madhu Bhalla served at the Centre in Chinese Studies Programme during 1994-2006. In addition, Ms. Kamlesh Jain and Dr. M. M. Kunju served the Centre as the Documentation Officers in Chinese and Japanese Studies respectively.

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